19 JULY—The May congress of the South African Federation of Trade Unions (SAFTU) made it unmistakably clear that both SAFTU and its largest affiliate, the National Union of Metalworkers (NUMSA), are in a massive crisis. The main expression of this crisis so far is a split in the bureaucracy, running up through the top leadership, and a bitter struggle for organisational control between the two factions—supporters of SAFTU general secretary Zwelinzima Vavi on one side and supporters of NUMSA general secretary Irvin Jim on the other. The struggle for positions repeatedly threatened to plunge the May congress into chaos and split the federation. At one point, pro-Jim delegates marched toward the podium singing “ungayiyijahi impi, iyabulala [don’t rush to war, it’s deadly]” as Vavi tried to steamroller obstacles to the election of his slate. Many expect the battle to continue at NUMSA’s 11th national congress, which has now been postponed twice as Jim and his allies try to suppress revolts in a number of regions by NUMSA members aligned to Vavi.

Despite the ferocity of the organisational struggle, both sides try to obscure the political issues while making a big show of unity. Behind this crisis is something neither faction wants to (or can) address: the utter failure, since the split from the ANC/SACP/COSATU Tripartite Alliance in 2013-15, to bring about the revival of a militant and powerful trade-union movement that would defend and advance the interests of the black toiling masses. This is what left-wing workers hoped for at the time of the split. Many also expected it to lay the basis for some kind of new political voice of the working class, feeling thoroughly disillusioned with the wretched pro-capitalist SACP leaders. These hopes have been utterly betrayed. The fundamental reason is not a “lack of urgency” or organisational incapacity, as preached by the pseudo-Marxist left groups whose whole strategic outlook is defined by supporting and pressuring one faction of the bureaucracy or the other—WASP, Marxist Workers Party (MWP), Keep Left!, etc. The root cause is the nationalist, class-collaborationist programme of the NUMSA/SAFTU leaders, who despite their secondary differences all seek to re-furbish the nationalist popular front by building a “left” version of the Tripartite Alliance. (read on)

Narito na uli ang circus. Habang lugmok sa pinakamalalim na recession mula noong World War II kasunod ng isa sa pinakamatagal at pinakamalupit na Covid lockdown sa mundo, nakatakdang isagawa ng Pilipinas ang pambansang halalan sa Mayo 9. Ang eleksyon ay isang re-match sa pagitan ng pinuno ng oposisyon na si Vice President Leni Robredo at ng kanyang dati nang karibal na si Ferdinand ‘Bongbong’ Marcos Jr., tagapagmana at kapangalan ng diktador na ang 20-taong pamumuno ay karibal sa kasakiman, kalupitan at katiwalian ng dating dinastiyang Pahlavi at Somoza ng Iran at Nicaragua.

Si Marcos Jr., na tinalo ni Robredo sa isang mahigpit na karera noong 2016, ay hindi inilihim ang kanyang ganang ibalik ang kanyang pamilya sa kapangyarihan. Kapwa nakibahagi sina Robredo at Liberal Party running mate na si Senator Kiko Pangilinan sa kilusang protesta na humantong sa pagbagsak ng pamilya Marcos.

Sa loob ng anim na taong marahas na pamumuno ni Pangulong Rodrigo Duterte at ng kanyang mga kaalyado, si Robredo ay naghahanda bilang presidente sa inilalarawan ng lokal media na labanang “Good versus Evil,” ang tinaguriang huling pagkakataon upang “iligtas ang demokrasya ng Pilipinas” mula sa “pagbabalik ng mga Marcos at isang pagpapatuloy ng pamunuan ni Duterte.” Panawagan namin: Robredo, Marcos at lahat ng burges na partido—Huwag iboto!

Habang papalapit ang multo ng muling pagbabalik ni Marcos at mga araw na lang ang natitira, pinagsama-sama ni Robredo ang mga Stalinista, sosyal-demokrata, sikat na artista, liberal na intelektuwal at mga kapitalistang amo sa isang prente popular o prenteng bayan na kawangis ng kilusang nagpabagsak sa diktadurang Marcos. Ang suporta para kay Robredo ay nakakuha ng momentum, habang ang mga paksyong anti-Marcos ay nagbubuhos ng pera sa mga sorties ng kampanya na umaakit ng daan-daang libong mga tagasuporta na kulay rosas ang suot at kilala bilang mga Kakampinks sa mga lungsod sa kapuluan.

Ang ideolohikal na pandikit na nagbubuklod sa prente popular ni Robredo ay fight-the-right bourgeois lesser evilism [pulitika na labanan-ang-mga-maka-kanan sa paraan ng pagsuporta sa burges na hindi gaano ang pagka-masama]. Matapos ang malawakang pagkatalo ng mga Liberal sa eleksyon 2019, nakuha ni Robredo ang aral na kailangan ng partido na magpatakbo ng isang “people’s campaign,” ibig sabihin ay sumakay patungong kapangyarihan sa likod ng mga inaapi. Ngayon ay i-priniprisinta niya ang kanyang sarili kontra kina Duterte at Marcos bilang “people’s champion” na magtatanggol sa demokrasya, lalabanan ang korapsyon at magtataguyod ng pagkakapantay-pantay. (read on)

The circus is back in town. Mired in the deepest recession since World War II following one of the world’s longest and harshest Covid lockdowns, the Philippines is set to hold its national elections on May 9. The elections are a rematch between opposition leader Vice President Leni Robredo and her old rival Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr., heir and namesake of the dictator whose 20-year reign rivals the greed, brutality and corruption of the former Pahlavi and Somoza dynasties of Iran and Nicaragua.

Marcos Jr., who Robredo beat in a tight race in 2016, has made no secret of his appetite to return his family to power. Both Robredo and Liberal Party running mate Senator Kiko Pangilinan took part in the protest movement that led to the downfall of the Marcos family.

Largely sidelined during six years of draconian rule by President Rodrigo Duterte and his allies, Robredo is casting for president in what local media portrays as a battle of “Good versus Evil,” the so-called last chance to “save Philippine democracy” from the “return of the Marcoses and a continuation of a Duterte leadership.” We say: No vote to Robredo, Marcos and all bourgeois parties! Robredo, Marcos at lahat ng burges na partido—Huwag iboto!

As the spectre of a Marcos comeback looms and with just days to go, Robredo has brought together Stalinists, social democrats, movie stars, liberal intellectuals and capitalist bosses in a popular front reminiscent of the movement that toppled the Marcos dictatorship. Support for Robredo has gained momentum, as the anti-Marcos factions pour money into campaign sorties which attract hundreds of thousands of pink-clad supporters, known as Kakampinks, in cities across the archipelago.

The ideological glue binding the Robredo popular front together is fight-the-right bourgeois lesser-evilism. After the Liberals’ massive defeat in the 2019 elections, Robredo drew the lesson that the party needed to run a “people’s campaign,” i.e., to ride to power on the backs of the oppressed. Now she is presenting herself against Duterte and Marcos as the “people’s champion” who will defend democracy, fight corruption and promote equality. (read on)

Enternasyonal Komünist Liga (Dördüncü Enternasyonalist), Enternasyonal Yürütme Komitesi (EYK) genel kurulu toplantısını 2019 yazında Almanya’da gerçekleştirdi. EKL’nin konferanslar arası dönemlerde en yüksek karar gövdesi olan EYK’nin toplantısı örgütümüz açısından önemli bir zamana denk geldi. Merkezi kurucumuz ve uzun zamandır parti liderimiz olan ve devrimci pusulamızın devam ettirilmesinde müdahaleleriyle kritik bir rol oynayan Jim Robertson’un Nisan 2019’daki ölümü süreklilik sorusunu aşikar kıldı. Bu toplantı aynı zamanda 2017’de EKL’nin Yedinci Enternasyonal Konferansı’nda seçilen liderliğin ilk toplantısıydı. Bu konferans, ulusal sorunu Leninist bir çerçeveye yerleştirmek ve Büyük Güç şovenizmine yapılan uyarlamaları düzeltmek amacıyla yürüttüğümüz zorlu mücadelenin sonucuydu (“Der Kampf für Leninismus über die nationale Frage” [Ulusal Sorun Üzerinde Leninist Mücadele İçin], Spartacist [Almanca baskı] No. 31, Sonbahar 2017). Genel kurul ve EYK’nin oybirliğıyle benimsediği bildiri, “Leninizm Bayrağıyla İleri!”, bu mücadelenin devamıdır.

Genel kurulun temel amaçlarından biri, 1970lerde Avrupa Birliği’ne (AB) karşı oluşturduğumuz keskin programatik muhalefet çerçevesini yeniden sahiplenmekti. Dejenere olmuş bir işçi devleti olan Sovyetler Birliği’ni ortadan kaldıran 1991-92 karşı-devrimi sürecinde işaretlenen yaşadığımız disoryantasyoun bir parçası olarak, EKL Alman ve daha az da olsa Fransız emperyalizminin domine ettiği eşitsiz kapitalist devletler konsorsiyumu olan AB’ye defalarca teslim olmuştur. Enternasyonal Sekretarya (E.S.) üyesi yoldaş Jay’in genel kurulda belirttiği gibi:

Geride bıraktığımız son birkaç yıl, AB’ye yönelik muhalefetimizi güçlü bir şekilde ortaya koyma mücadeleleri serisine sahne oldu. Genel kurul bildirisinin aşağıdaki yayınlanmak için düzenlenmiş bölümü, bu konuda yürüttüğümüz tartışmaların ve mücadelenin kodlanmış sonuçlarını içeren bölümdür.

Enternasyonal Konferans’dan bu yana temel görevlerimizden biri, EKL’nin sosyal mücadelenin yoksunluğu ve proleter bilincin gerilemesiyle tanımlanmış bu dönemde karşılaştığı büyük zorluklarla başa çıkabilecek yeni bir enternasyonal liderlik kolektifinin sağlamlaştırılmasıdır. Genel kurul bildirisinin belirttiği gibi, “Yoldaş Robertson yokken, devrimci devamlılığımızı koruma kapasitemiz büyük ölçüde EYK’nin yürütme kolu olan E.S.’nin mümkün olan en keskin programatik rehberliği sunma kapasitesine dayanmaktadır. Görevimiz Lenin’in yaptığını yaparak katman katman, düşünen Bolşeviklerden oluşan bir parti kurmaktır.”

E.S. 2017’den beri, bazı üyelerinin uluslararası merkezde ikamet etmediği alışılmadık bir kompozisyondaydı. Coğrafi yayılım zorluklar getirir. Aynı zamanda, bu kompozisyon hayati bir önem taşıyor çünkü her yoldaş daha mesafeli bir görüşe sahip ve hem Enternasyonal’de hem de diğer yoldaşların ulusal bölümlerinde programatik düzeltici bir rol oynamakta. Bu aynı zamanda, merkezimizin dünyadaki en güçlü emperyalist ülke olan ABD’de yer almasından kaynaklanan baskıya karşı-denge işlevi görmekte. (devamı için)

21 février – Le chômage de masse, les hôpitaux bondés et les traitements annulés, la détérioration générale des conditions de travail, l’inflation galopante, les droits démocratiques piétinés, les commerçants ruinés, les écoles fermées, les familles entassées ensemble jour et nuit, une détresse et des souffrances intolérables, la mort : Depuis maintenant deux ans, les travailleurs et les opprimés subissent les conséquences dévastatrices de la réponse de la bourgeoisie à la pandémie et de ses confinements. C’est dans ce contexte que le convoi des camionneurs à Ottawa est venu canaliser le mécontentement largement répandu dans la société.

La bourgeoisie et tous ceux qui lui font écho dans les médias, le Nouveau Parti démocratique et la gauche réformiste ont été pris immédiatement d’une fureur hystérique devant cette première brèche significative dans la campagne d’« unité nationale » de la classe dirigeante dans la pandémie. Leur déferlement de propagande présentant tous ceux qui participent à des manifestations antigouvernementales comme des « extrémistes de droite » n’est qu’un mensonge pour justifier leur répression. Ce n’est pas « le racisme », « un programme d’extrême droite » ou (aux dires de libéraux tordus) un « coup d’État financé par les États-Unis » qui pousse des milliers de personnes à sortir protester dans les grandes villes, mais la colère totalement légitime contre le désastre social provoqué par les mesures sanitaires de la bourgeoisie.

Le premier ministre Justin Trudeau a décrété la Loi sur les mesures d’urgence, la Loi sur les mesures de guerre revampée, avec laquelle le gouvernement se donne des pouvoirs arbitraires pour accroître la répression, suspendre les droits démocratiques, geler les comptes de banque et étendre les pouvoirs de police utilisés pour réprimer les camionneurs et les manifestants. Près de 200 personnes ont déjà été arrêtées en vertu de cette loi. Nous disons : Défense des camionneurs ! Levée de toutes les accusations ! À bas la Loi sur les mesures d’urgence ! (lire la suite)

De tous les groupes qui pataugent dans le marais pseudo-trotskyste au Québec et au Canada, les membres de La Riposte se sont distingués comme les plus ardents partisans des confinements de Trudeau et les opposants les plus acharnés des camionneurs et des manifestants. Il n’y a tout simplement aucune différence entre la ligne avancée par La Riposte et la campagne hystérique de la bourgeoisie et de ses médias dociles. Un dirigeant de La Riposte a calomnié de façon répugnante l’intervention de notre organisation dans un rassemblement à Toronto en soutien aux camionneurs, nous accusant sur les médias sociaux de « soutenir l’extrême droite » ; il ajoutait : « Il est impossible qu’ils se soient mépris sur la nature d’extrême droite nationaliste et trumpiste de ce rassemblement où figuraient des drapeaux de Trump et des pancartes “Make Canada Great Again” ». En pointant du doigt quelques individus de droite pour dépeindre ces manifestations tout entières comme étant d’une « nature d’extrême droite », La Riposte dégurgite ainsi le même mensonge que la bourgeoisie utilise pour justifier la répression. (lire la suite)

21 FEBRUARY—Massive unemployment, overloaded hospitals and cancelled treatments, widespread deterioration of working conditions, crippling inflation, gutting of democratic rights, ruined shopkeepers, closing of schools, families stuck together day and night, unspeakable pain and distress, death: For two years now, the workers and the oppressed have suffered the devastating consequences of the bourgeoisie’s response to the pandemic and its lockdowns. This is the backdrop to the truckers’ convoy on Ottawa, which has become a lightning rod for widespread discontent in society.

Faced with this first significant blowback to the ruling class’s “national unity” campaign in the pandemic, the bourgeoisie, its media mouthpieces, the New Democratic Party and the reformist left immediately went into hysterical overdrive. Their propaganda barrage which portrays anybody participating in anti-government demonstrations as “far-right extremists” is but a lie to justify cracking down on them. What has pushed thousands of people in major cities to come out in protests is not “racism,” a “far-right agenda” or (as tinfoiled-hatted liberals would have it) a “U.S.-funded coup,” but the totally legitimate anger against the social disaster created by the bourgeoisie’s health measures.

Prime Minister Justin Trudeau has decreed the Emergencies Act—a “rebranding” of the War Measures Act—with which the government gives itself arbitrary powers to increase repression, suspend civil liberties, freeze bank accounts and extend the policing powers which they’ve used to crack down on truckers and protesters. Nearly 200 have already been arrested under this law. We say: Defend the truckers! Drop all the charges! Down with the Emergencies Act! (read on)

Among the pseudo-Trotskyist swamp in Quebec and Canada, members of the Fightback group have distinguished themselves as the most ardent supporters of Trudeau’s lockdowns and vociferous opponents of the truckers and protesters. There’s simply no difference between the line Fightback has been pushing and the hysterical campaign of the bourgeoisie and its subservient media. In a disgusting slander on social media against our organization intervening at a Toronto rally in support of the truckers, a Fightback leader accused us of “supporting the far right,” adding “There is no way that they could have mistaken the far right nationalist and Trumpite nature of this rally which included Trump flags and ‘Make Canada Great Again’ placards.” Painting these entire demonstrations as being of a “far right nature” by pointing to a few right-wing individuals, Fightback parrots the very lie that the government uses to justify its crackdown. (read on)